Magic Lands Educational Articles
Through extensive historical research and collaboration with First Nations and Indigenous communities across Australia and the Torres Strait Islands, I identified a significant gap in accessible, accurate information regarding truth-telling and colonial history. While developing the screenplay for Magic Lands: Purra and Buckley’s Chance — a historical drama set in early 1800s Southern Australia — it became clear that these stories needed to be shared beyond film.
This led to the establishment of the Magic Lands Alliance, a not-for-profit organisation that collaborates with communities to produce historical dramas, repurpose film sets for educational and tourism purposes, and disseminate knowledge through research-based content.
To date, I have written over 160 historical educational articles, utilising a combination of research and AI-assisted writing, designed to present history without bias, revealing the truth about colonisation and its impacts on land, people, and culture. These articles are available to schools, communities, and the public, supporting deeper understanding and cultural awareness.
Below are some of my featured articles, with more available on the Magic Lands Alliance website: www.magiclandsalliance.org
Agriculture of the First Peoples of Victoria: Cultivating Country and Culture
For tens of thousands of years, the First Peoples of Victoria developed sophisticated systems of agriculture, aquaculture, and land management. While colonisers often dismissed Aboriginal societies as “hunter-gatherers,” recent scholarship and oral traditions show that Victorian Aboriginal groups carefully cultivated plants, engineered waterways, and managed ecosystems to provide food, fibre, and resources (Pascoe, 2014; Gammage, 2011). Agriculture for the First Peoples of Victoria was never about exploitation or monoculture. It was embedded in Lore of Country, where care for land was inseparable from cultural and spiritual life (Clark, 1990).
Murnong (Yam Daisy) Cultivation on the Volcanic Plains
Before colonisation, the vast basalt plains stretching from Melbourne to western Victoria were carpeted with murnong (Microseris lanceolata), the most important staple food for many Aboriginal communities (Pascoe, 2014). Women harvested the tubers with digging sticks, carefully replanting smaller roots so that fields naturally regenerated. These landscapes were deliberately managed through cultural burning, where cool fires cleared invasive shrubs and encouraged murnong growth (Gammage, 2011). Early colonists described these open, flowering fields as resembling European farmlands (Broome, 2005).
Murnong provided the main carbohydrate source in Kulin diets, forming the basis of daily meals. This sustainable system, however, was quickly destroyed. Within a decade of sheep and cattle grazing, murnong fields were devastated, leaving communities without their primary food source and forcing many into hunger and crisis (Broome, 2005). The story of murnong illustrates how Aboriginal agriculture was both highly ecological and resilient, yet deeply vulnerable to colonial disruption.
Firestick Farming
Controlled burning, often referred to as cultural burning, was a cornerstone of Victorian Aboriginal agriculture (Gammage, 2011). Through the careful use of fire, Aboriginal peoples cleared undergrowth, encouraged fresh grass shoots, and maintained open landscapes that were ideal for hunting. These practices supported kangaroo populations, regenerated edible plants, and significantly reduced the risk of destructive wildfires. Burning was never random; it was applied at specific times of the year depending on local ecosystems, creating a seasonal rhythm that balanced ecological health with human needs. This practice represented a science of ecology, refined and passed down through generations as part of Aboriginal knowledge systems (Pascoe, 2014).
Seed and Grain Farming
Victorian Aboriginal communities also practised forms of seed and grain farming, harvesting native grasses such as kangaroo grass and millet, which were then ground into flour and baked into damper-like breads (Pascoe, 2014). Women played a central role in this process, using stone grinding tools that have been uncovered at archaeological sites across the region. Harvesting was guided by seasonal calendars, and the grasslands were carefully managed to ensure long-term productivity. This approach to agriculture reflects a system of sustainability and renewal, where careful observation and ecological knowledge maintained balance between human needs and the environment (Gammage, 2011).
Eel Traps and Aquaculture: Budj Bim (Gunditjmara Country)
On Gunditjmara Country in western Victoria, one of the world’s oldest and most sophisticated aquaculture systems was developed at Budj Bim (Mount Eccles). Over 6,600 years ago, Gunditjmara people constructed an extensive network of basalt stone channels, weirs, and ponds designed to trap and farm short-finned eels (kooyang) (UNESCO, 2019).
This engineered system allowed for year-round harvesting, enabling permanent settlements that could support hundreds, if not thousands, of people (Clark, 1990). Eels were smoked and preserved for long-term storage and regional trade, embedding Budj Bim into far-reaching economic networks across southeastern Australia.
The scale and longevity of Budj Bim demonstrates that Gunditjmara people were not simply “hunter-gatherers,” but highly skilled agriculturalists and engineers who reshaped their environment with foresight and precision. In recognition of its significance, the Budj Bim Cultural Landscape was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2019 as one of the oldest aquaculture systems on Earth.
Wadawurrung Agriculture along the Barwon River
On Wadawurrung Country — covering Geelong, Ballarat, and the Bellarine Peninsula — agriculture and aquaculture sustained communities through a blend of river-based food systems and plains cultivation. Archaeological evidence along the Barwon and Moorabool Rivers reveals the use of fishing weirs, eel harvesting, and plant processing, with eel migrations carefully timed according to star cycles that linked cosmology to agriculture (Clark, 1990).
Like other Kulin groups, the Wadawurrung relied heavily on murnong (yam daisy), which thrived in the volcanic soils around Geelong. Oral histories describe women working in teams to harvest the tubers, turning over the soil with digging sticks and replanting smaller roots to ensure continuous regrowth (Pascoe, 2014). Agriculture also carried ceremonial weight: tanderrum, or welcome ceremonies, often included the sharing of seasonal foods, reinforcing the bond between agriculture, diplomacy, and cultural law (Broome, 2005).
This sustainable system was rapidly undermined after colonisation, as sheep and cattle destroyed murnong fields and disrupted river systems by the 1840s, forcing many Wadawurrung people into dependence on rations from missions and reserves. The case of Wadawurrung Country shows how riverine and agricultural systems were intricately woven into cultural life, yet highly vulnerable to colonial disruption.
Cultural Dimensions of Agriculture
For the First Peoples of Victoria, agriculture was never a purely economic activity but one deeply embedded in cultural and spiritual life. Harvesting and burning practices were guided by seasonal calendars aligned with the stars, the flowering of plants, and the movements of animals, ensuring food production was synchronised with the rhythms of Country (Broome, 2005). Access to resources was also regulated by totems and kinship systems, which determined who could harvest particular foods, reinforcing respect for ecosystems and social balance (Clark, 1990). In addition, songlines carried agricultural knowledge across the landscape, functioning as oral maps that marked when and where to gather plants and animals, while also linking trade routes and cultural exchange (Pascoe, 2014). In this way, agriculture was inseparable from spirituality, law, and ecological stewardship.
Impacts of Colonisation
The arrival of European colonists caused devastating disruption to Aboriginal agricultural systems. Sheep and cattle rapidly destroyed the murnong fields that had sustained communities for millennia, creating food shortages within a decade of settlement (Broome, 2005). Missions and reserves displaced people from their lands, while colonial authorities banned cultural burning, which not only undermined Aboriginal ecological practices but also increased the severity of bushfires in later centuries (Gammage, 2011).
In addition to environmental destruction, colonisation disrupted the transmission of knowledge, as suppression of language and culture made it harder to maintain agricultural practices (Pascoe, 2014). Yet despite this, oral histories and archaeology continue to preserve much of this wisdom, allowing it to be revived in the present day.
Revival of Aboriginal Agriculture in Victoria
Today, Aboriginal communities across Victoria are leading a revival of traditional food systems and ecological knowledge. At Budj Bim, aquaculture practices have been restored and are now used for education, tourism, and cultural renewal (UNESCO, 2019). Murnong fields are being replanted by Aboriginal land councils and community gardens, while cultural burning programs are being reintroduced in partnership with government agencies to reduce fuel loads and restore biodiversity (Gammage, 2011).
Aboriginal corporations such as the Wurundjeri Woi Wurrung Cultural Heritage Council, the Wadawurrung Traditional Owners Aboriginal Corporation, and the Dja Dja Wurrung Clans Aboriginal Corporation are playing central roles in this work, combining traditional practices with contemporary science to manage Country (Broome, 2005). These initiatives show that Aboriginal agriculture is not a relic of the past but a living system of knowledge vital to the present and future.
Population and Agricultural Capacity
Archaeological and historical evidence shows that agriculture sustained relatively dense Aboriginal populations in Victoria prior to colonisation (Clark, 1990). The Gunditjmara aquaculture system at Budj Bim, for instance, was capable of supporting thousands of people year-round, providing a reliable and renewable food source through engineered eel farming (UNESCO, 2019). Such examples challenge colonial stereotypes of Aboriginal societies as nomadic, revealing instead that many Victorian groups were semi-sedentary agriculturalists who carefully managed their landscapes. Their agricultural systems demonstrated a level of sophistication and ecological foresight comparable to farming societies across the world (Pascoe, 2014).
Conclusion
The agriculture of the First Peoples of Victoria reveals a story of deep ecological knowledge, sustainable food systems, and cultural connection to Country. From murnong cultivation and cultural burning to eel farming at Budj Bim and Wadawurrung river-based agriculture, Victorian Aboriginal peoples shaped their environment with care and foresight. Colonisation devastated these systems, replacing them with sheep runs, crops, and towns that disregarded sustainability and Aboriginal sovereignty. Yet today, Aboriginal-led projects are reviving these practices, demonstrating that the future of agriculture in Victoria may draw as much from ancient wisdom as from modern science.
Reference List
Broome, R. (2005). Aboriginal Victorians: A History Since 1800. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Clark, I. (1990). Aboriginal Languages and Clans: An Historical Atlas of Western and Central Victoria, 1800–1900. Melbourne: Monash Publications in Geography.
Gammage, B. (2011). The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Pascoe, B. (2014). Dark Emu: Black Seeds – Agriculture or Accident? Broome: Magabala Books.
UNESCO (2019). Budj Bim Cultural Landscape World Heritage Listing. Paris: UNESCO World Heritage Centre.
Written, Researched and Directed by James Vegter 16/09/2025
Copyright of MLA – 2025
Magic Lands Alliance acknowledge the Traditional Owners, Custodians, and First Nations communities across Australia and internationally. We honour their enduring connection to the sky, land, waters, language, and culture. We pay our respects to Elders past, present, and emerging, and to all First Peoples communities and language groups. This article draws only on publicly available information; many cultural practices remain the intellectual property of communities.
Archaeology in Victoria and Australia: Tracing Deep Histories Through Country
Archaeology is the study of past human life through material remains — stone tools, hearths, bone fragments, earthworks, and sacred sites. In Australia, and especially Victoria, archaeology offers evidence of Aboriginal occupation stretching back tens of thousands of years (Broome, 2005). Yet for Aboriginal communities such as the Wadawurrung, Gunditjmara, Wurundjeri, Yorta Yorta, Dja Dja Wurrung, and Taungurung, archaeology is not simply about objects in the ground. These sites are living archives, tied to ancestors, stories, and ongoing cultural law (McNiven & Russell, 2005).
Archaeology in Victoria bridges scientific analysis and cultural authority, showing how the oldest continuous culture on Earth has shaped, and continues to shape, Country.
Deep Time Archaeology in Victoria
Early Occupation
Archaeological evidence places Aboriginal presence in Victoria for at least 40,000–50,000 years, with stone tools and hearths dated to the late Pleistocene (Clark, 1990).
At Keilor (near Melbourne), hearths and artefacts indicate Aboriginal occupation at least 31,000 years ago (Broome, 2005).
On the Murray River, middens, fish traps, and scarred trees trace tens of millennia of cultural practice (Pascoe, 2014).
Wurdi Youang
The Wurdi Youang stone arrangement (near Little River on Wadawurrung Country) is aligned with solar positions at the equinoxes and solstices, functioning as an astronomical observatory (Norris et al., 2013).
It represents one of the world’s oldest surviving observatories, evidence of Aboriginal scientific practice embedded in Country.
Budj Bim Cultural Landscape
On Gunditjmara land, Budj Bim aquaculture systems — stone channels and ponds designed to farm and trap kooyang (short-finned eels) — date back over 6,600 years (Pascoe, 2014).
Declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2019, Budj Bim represents both an archaeological treasure and a continuing cultural practice.
Archaeological Practices and Methods
Excavations and Dating: Radiocarbon dating of charcoal, bones, and shells has anchored timelines of occupation. Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) is used to date sediments beyond radiocarbon’s range.
Middens: Accumulated shell, fish bones, and charcoal provide insight into diet, seasonality, and mobility (Gammage, 2011).
Rock Art and Scarred Trees: Rock shelters in western and northern Victoria preserve ochre paintings and engravings, while canoe and shield trees demonstrate everyday technologies. These are living archaeological records.
Collaborative Archaeology
Increasingly, archaeology in Victoria is shifting from extractive excavation to collaborative practice with Traditional Owners. Research now requires cultural authority, recognising that Country itself is an ancestor (McNiven & Russell, 2005).
Impacts of Colonisation on Archaeological Landscapes
Destruction and Suppression
Land clearing for sheep and cattle destroyed thousands of middens and sacred sites (Gammage, 2011).
Artefacts were removed to museums without consent, stripping them of cultural context.
Missions disconnected people from Country, creating gaps in intergenerational transmission.
Appropriation and Erasure
In the 19th century, collectors and ethnographers often treated Aboriginal artefacts as “curiosities” rather than evidence of advanced systems of knowledge (Broome, 2005).
Early interpretations downplayed Aboriginal agency, ignoring aquaculture, astronomy, or complex governance.
Case Study: Wadawurrung Archaeological Heritage
The Wadawurrung people maintain some of the most significant archaeological landscapes in Victoria:
Wurdi Youang: This stone arrangement demonstrates astronomical knowledge embedded in law and ceremony. Its solstice and equinox alignments highlight the Wadawurrung as expert observers of the cosmos (Norris et al., 2013).
Barwon and Moorabool Rivers: Artefacts along these waterways — including stone tools and hearths — record fishing, eel harvesting, and plant processing, revealing daily and seasonal life (Clark, 1990).
Bellarine Peninsula middens: Coastal middens provide evidence of marine harvesting across millennia, showing sustainable use of shellfish and marine resources.
Living knowledge: For Wadawurrung people, these sites are not only archaeological evidence but also active presences of ancestors and continuing lore. They inform cultural education programs, heritage management, and truth-telling processes today.
Contact Archaeology: Wadawurrung and the First Ships
While Wadawurrung archaeology stretches back tens of thousands of years, material evidence also reveals the arrival of the first European ships and the beginnings of cultural encounter.
Port Phillip Bay and Geelong: Archaeological surveys along the Corio Bay and Bellarine Peninsula areas have uncovered fragments of glass, metal, and ceramics within Aboriginal midden deposits (McNiven & Russell, 2005). These finds show that Wadawurrung people incorporated new materials into daily life as early as the first decades of the 19th century.
Coins and Trade Items: Reports of isolated coin discoveries, including pre-colonial European coins found in southern Australia (McIntyre, 1977), raise the possibility of earlier shipwrecks or indirect contact before formal settlement. While debated, they remind us that global trade routes may have touched Victoria before 1803.
Shipwreck Archaeology: The Bellarine and Surf Coast are littered with shipwrecks from the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Artefacts such as copper nails, ballast stones, and glass bottles provide tangible evidence of the maritime frontier (Harper, 1986).
Cultural Adaptation: Wadawurrung people quickly reworked introduced materials into their toolkit. Glass shards were shaped into spear points, and iron objects were repurposed as cutting tools, showing continuity of innovation while maintaining cultural law (Pascoe, 2014).
Oral Traditions of First Contact: Wadawurrung oral histories recall the first ships in Port Phillip Bay, where canoes met European boats. These accounts, supported by archaeological traces, illustrate the profound shifts of early encounter — moments that archaeology helps confirm (Clark, 1990).
This layer of Wadawurrung archaeology demonstrates that “contact” was not a single event but an ongoing process, visible both in oral tradition and the ground itself. It links the deep time of Wurdi Youang and Barwon River sites with the disruptive arrival of foreign ships, creating a continuous narrative of adaptation, survival, and resilience.
Global Analogies
Archaeological traditions worldwide show how material remains sustain cultural identity:
Stonehenge (England): aligned to solstices, much like Wurdi Youang.
Māori pā sites (New Zealand): earthworks demonstrating Indigenous engineering, paralleling Budj Bim.
Mound-building cultures (North America): monumental earthworks, sacred like many Aboriginal sites.
African rock art: depictions of animals and spirits, echoing Victoria’s ochre art.
These comparisons highlight Aboriginal archaeology as part of a global human heritage of advanced cultural systems.
Contemporary Revival and Protection
Legal Protection: The Aboriginal Heritage Act 2006 (Vic) protects sites and requires Cultural Heritage Management Plans. Registered Aboriginal Parties (RAPs), including the Wadawurrung Traditional Owners Aboriginal Corporation, have decision-making authority.
Revitalisation: Sites such as Budj Bim and Wurdi Youang are used for both research and cultural teaching. Archaeology is increasingly recognised as a tool of truth-telling, validating Aboriginal oral histories long dismissed by colonisers.
Challenges: Climate change, coastal erosion, and urban development threaten fragile landscapes. Many artefacts remain in museums, raising urgent questions of repatriation and cultural return (McNiven & Russell, 2005).
Conclusion
Archaeology in Victoria reveals extraordinary human continuity: astronomical observatories, aquaculture engineering, ancient hearths, and sacred sites stretching back tens of thousands of years. For Aboriginal communities, these are not “ruins” of the past but living presences of ancestors, law, and Country.
Contact archaeology adds another dimension — showing how Wadawurrung and other groups adapted to the arrival of the first ships, reshaping tools, landscapes, and identities while holding firmly to cultural law.
By bringing together oral history and archaeological science, Victoria’s landscapes tell a story from the Pleistocene to the present: a story of survival, adaptation, and the endurance of culture.
References
Broome, R. (2005). Aboriginal Victorians: A History Since 1800. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Clark, I.D. (1990). Aboriginal Languages and Clans: An Historical Atlas of Western and Central Victoria, 1800–1900. Melbourne: Monash Publications in Geography.
Gammage, B. (2011). The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Harper, N. (1986). Shipwrecks of Victoria: The Ports and Harbours of Early Melbourne. Melbourne: Heritage Council.
McIntyre, K. (1977). The Secret Discovery of Australia: Portuguese Ventures 200 Years Before Captain Cook. Sydney: Souvenir Press.
McNiven, I. & Russell, L. (2005). Appropriated Pasts: Indigenous Peoples and the Colonial Culture of Archaeology. Lanham: AltaMira Press.
Norris, R., Hamacher, D. & Abrahams, R. (2013). “Wurdi Youang: An Australian Aboriginal Stone Arrangement with Possible Solar Indications.” Rock Art Research, 30(1), pp. 55–65.
Pascoe, B. (2014). Dark Emu: Aboriginal Australia and the Birth of Agriculture. Broome: Magabala Books.
Written, Researched and Directed by James Vegter 16/09/2025
Aboriginal Astrology and Cosmology in Victoria and Australia: Stars, Law, and Influence
Across Victoria and Australia, Aboriginal peoples have gazed at the night sky for tens of thousands of years, incorporating cosmology into their laws, ceremonies, and daily lives (Hamacher, 2012; Stanbridge, 1857). While “astronomy” describes the careful observation of stars and planetary movements, “astrology” points to the ways these celestial forces are believed to influence human lives, spiritual balance, and ecological rhythms.
Aboriginal astrology is not the same as the zodiac systems of Babylon, Greece, or India. Instead, it is rooted in Dreaming cosmology, where stars, planets, and even dark spaces in the Milky Way are ancestors, lawgivers, and teachers (Hamacher & Frew, 2010). These celestial beings influenced birth, marriage, hunting, and ceremony, linking human fate to the wider cosmos.
The Cosmological Foundations
The Dreaming in the Sky
The Dreaming is not only inscribed on land but also written in the sky. Ancestral beings such as Bunjil the eagle, Waang the crow, or Tchingal the emu are seen as constellations or dark shapes in the Milky Way (Stanbridge, 1857; Hamacher, 2012). Their movements encode laws of behaviour, seasonal change, and spiritual guidance.
Time as “Everywhen”
Unlike Western astrology, which assigns personality traits at birth based on star signs, Aboriginal astrology situates human life within cycles of stars and seasons (Norris et al., 2013).
When someone is born, totems, clan duties, and spiritual “gifts” may be tied to celestial alignments.
When ceremonies are held, stars dictate timing for initiation, corroborees, or tanderrum (Barwick, 1998).
When harvesting occurs, constellations signal when to take eggs, catch eels, or hunt kangaroos (Clarke, 2009).
Thus, the sky is a calendar, a moral code, and a mirror of human destiny.
Aboriginal Astrology in Victoria
Tchingal – The Emu in the Sky
In Boorong (Wergaia) traditions, the dark dust lanes of the Milky Way form Tchingal, the Emu (Stanbridge, 1857; Hamacher & Frew, 2010).
When stretched across the sky in autumn, it signalled emu egg-laying season.
When crouched in winter, it warned that eggs must not be taken, reflecting the laws of sustainability and ethics.
Here, astrology functioned as practical law: human behaviour was aligned with celestial movements to ensure ecological and spiritual balance.
Bundjil – The Eaglehawk
For the Kulin Nations, Bundjil, the creator eagle, lives in the stars, watching over the people. His position in the sky was interpreted as guidance, influencing kinship, warfare, or ceremony (Broome, 2005). Bundjil’s celestial presence reinforced ethics — courage, care for Country, and responsibility to kin.
Purra – The Kangaroo in the Sky
Purra, a giant kangaroo, appears in constellations near the Southern Cross. For Kulin and Wadawurrung peoples, its appearance marked hunting cycles. Births during Purra’s prominence were sometimes said to link a child to kangaroo spirit qualities — endurance, swiftness, and resilience (Hamacher, 2012).
Wadawurrung Star Knowledge
The Wadawurrung, whose Country includes Geelong, Ballarat, and the Bellarine Peninsula, drew upon constellations for law and ceremony (Clark, 1990). The Wadawurrung people of Victoria hold one of the most significant pieces of Aboriginal cosmology in Australia: the Wurdi Youang stone arrangement, located near Little River.
Astronomical Alignment: Wurdi Youang is a carefully arranged oval of basalt stones, some up to 1.5 metres high, aligned with the setting sun at the solstices and equinoxes (Norris, Hamacher & Abrahams, 2013). This indicates a deep observational knowledge of solar cycles, predating many other global observatories.
Bunjil and Law: For the Wadawurrung, Bunjil the Eaglehawk creator is often associated with the sky, watching over people and ensuring that law and ceremony are upheld. Oral traditions describe celestial beings as overseers of tanderrum ceremonies (welcome gatherings), linking stars and diplomacy (Clark, 1990).
Seasonal Cycles: The timing of eel migrations in the Barwon River and harvesting cycles on the Bellarine Peninsula were guided by celestial markers, including the appearance of constellations such as Purra (the kangaroo) and Tchingal (the emu) (Hamacher, 2012).
Cultural Continuity: Today, the Wadawurrung Traditional Owners Aboriginal Corporation continues to reference the night sky in cultural education, teaching how Wurdi Youang and stellar cycles are part of living law.
This case study highlights how Wadawurrung cosmology blends astronomy, astrology, and ceremony into one framework — where the stars are both scientific markers and ancestral presences guiding social, ecological, and spiritual balance.
Influence on the Human World
Aboriginal astrology was not about individual horoscopes but collective influence:
Seasonal births: Children born when certain stars rose were connected to totems or clan roles (Hamacher, 2012).
Marriage rules: Moieties (e.g., Bunjil and Waang) had celestial correspondences, reminding people that stars reinforced social law (Broome, 2005).
Dreaming visions: Elders sometimes received messages from ancestors via stars or meteors, seen as spiritual signs (Hamacher & Frew, 2010).
Colonisation and Suppression
Colonisation fractured Aboriginal cosmology:
Missions replaced celestial Dreaming stories with biblical cosmologies (Broome, 2005).
Star knowledge was dismissed as superstition, while oral traditions were suppressed.
Dispossession from land also meant disconnection from the skies above, as stars were always read in relationship to Country (Norris et al., 2013).
Yet fragments survived. William Stanbridge’s 1857 records of Boorong astronomy preserved key constellations, and oral traditions maintained by Elders continue to keep Aboriginal astrology alive.
Global Comparisons
Aboriginal astrology resonates with world traditions while remaining unique:
Greek and Babylonian astrology: stars as gods influencing human fate.
Māori traditions: Matariki (Pleiades) marking seasonal harvest, similar to Victorian Aboriginal star calendars (Hamacher, 2012).
Hindu cosmology: planetary cycles influencing karma and destiny echo Aboriginal recognition of celestial influence on human law.
The key difference is that Aboriginal astrology is inseparable from ecology — it regulates harvesting, ceremony, and kinship.
Contemporary Revitalisation
Today, Aboriginal astronomy and astrology are being revived through:
Cultural education: Planetariums, schools, and cultural tours (e.g., Lake Tyrrell) teach Aboriginal star stories (Hamacher, 2012).
Research collaborations: Scholars such as Duane Hamacher work with Traditional Owners to record and interpret sky knowledge (Hamacher & Frew, 2010).
Ceremony: Smoking rituals, welcomes, and corroborees increasingly reference celestial beings.
Truth-telling and treaty: Recognition of Aboriginal cosmology is part of restoring sovereignty and cultural authority (Barwick, 1998).
Conclusion
Aboriginal astrology and cosmology in Victoria and Australia reveal a worldview where the stars are not distant objects but ancestors, teachers, and regulators of law. Unlike Western astrology, which individualises destiny, Aboriginal astrology ties fate to community, ecology, and ceremony.
The Wadawurrung case study at Wurdi Youang shows that this knowledge was both scientific and spiritual: a solar observatory aligned with cosmological law, proving Aboriginal astronomy and astrology as among the oldest continuing traditions in the world.
Colonisation attempted to silence this knowledge, yet it endures in stories, ceremonies, and revivals. Looking at the Milky Way through Aboriginal eyes is to see not only stars but the living presence of Dreaming beings who continue to shape human life.
References
Barwick, D. (1998). Rebellion at Coranderrk. Canberra: Aboriginal History Monograph.
Broome, R. (2005). Aboriginal Victorians: A History Since 1800. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Clark, I.D. (1990). Aboriginal Languages and Clans: An Historical Atlas of Western and Central Victoria, 1800–1900. Melbourne: Monash Publications.
Clarke, P.A. (2009). Australian Aboriginal Ethnobotany: An Overview. Melbourne: CSIRO Publishing.
Hamacher, D.W. & Frew, D. (2010). “An analysis of the astronomical knowledge and traditions of the Boorong people of north-western Victoria.” Journal of Astronomical History & Heritage, 13, pp. 89–96.
Hamacher, D.W. (2012). “On Aboriginal Astronomy in Victoria.” Journal of Astronomical History & Heritage, 15, pp. 121–134.
Norris, R.P., Hamacher, D.W. & Abrahams, R. (2013). “Wurdi Youang: An Australian Aboriginal Stone Arrangement with Possible Solar Indications.” Rock Art Research, 30(1), pp. 55–65.
Stanbridge, W.E. (1857). “On the Astronomy and Mythology of the Aborigines of Victoria.” Proceedings of the Philosophical Institute of Victoria, 2, pp. 137–140.
Written, Researched and Directed by James Vegter 16/09/2025
Copyright of MLA – 2025
Magic Lands Alliance acknowledge the Traditional Owners, Custodians, and First Nations communities across Australia and internationally. We honour their enduring connection to the sky, land, waters, language, and culture. We pay our respects to Elders past, present, and emerging, and to all First Peoples communities and language groups. This article draws only on publicly available information; many cultural practices remain the intellectual property of communities.